From Edo to Accra: What West Africa’s 2024 Elections Tell Us About Democracy

Elections are fundamental to democracy, but the efficiency and integrity of electoral processes vary significantly across different countries. Ghana and Nigeria, two prominent nations in West Africa, present contrasting examples of how elections are conducted and perceived. While Ghana’s December 2024 elections demonstrated a well-functioning democratic process, Nigeria’s 2024 off-cycle elections in Edo and Ondo states revealed persistent challenges that continue to hinder the nation’s democratic aspirations. This piece explores these elections to challenge the simplistic view that Ghana’s electoral success is solely attributable to its smaller population. It also offers a forward-looking perspective on the 2025 Anambra State election, highlighting potential hurdles and what Nigerians should anticipate.

Lessons from Ghana

Ghana held elections on December 7, 2024, amid political tension and significant national issues such as the Galamsey (illegal mining) crisis and regional security concerns. Despite these challenges, the elections were lauded for their efficiency and integrity, offering a model of how elections can function effectively in West Africa. 

First, Ghana’s most significant achievement in the last election was the election of its first female vice president. This milestone in gender representation was celebrated across the continent, but it came with its own struggles as the vice president faced criticism and resistance from doubters. Her perseverance in navigating these challenges while maintaining a high level of professionalism speaks volumes about Ghana’s evolving political terrain. Comparatively, Nigeria has yet to elect a female vice president, emphasising the gender disparity in political representation between the two nations.

Trust and Institutional Credibility

The confidence Ghanaians have in their country’s electoral institutions is one of its advantages. This confidence enables practices such as early voting, in which election officials and security personnel vote days before the general public. For instance, a Ghanaian immigration officer recounted that he had voted weeks in advance, allowing him to concentrate on his election-day duties. By guaranteeing that those directly engaged in the process do not lose their right to vote, this system simplifies procedures and lessens the strain on election day. 

Ghana also permits proxy voting for citizens who cannot physically attend. This innovation necessitates a level of institutional trust that Nigeria’s electoral environment has yet to attain, despite the relatively sophisticated election technology such as the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IREV). Additionally, early ballots in Ghana are securely stored at police stations—a practice that is unimaginable in Nigeria, where such actions might incite public outrage due to widespread distrust. 

However, even Ghana’s electoral institutions are not immune to accusations of bias. The country’s electoral commission has faced criticism from opposition parties over alleged favouritism, showing that trust deficits are a regional challenge. Although Ghana enjoys relatively higher confidence in its institutions compared to Nigeria, such accusations bring to fore the fragility of electoral credibility even in better-performing democracies. 

Ghana’s population of approximately 32 million significantly simplifies electoral logistics compared to Nigeria’s over 200 million people. Mahmood Yakubu, INEC’s chair, claimed that the registered voters population in Nigeria alone surpasses that of all the other 14 countries in West Africa combined. According to him, in 2023, there were 93 million registered voters in Nigeria, which is almost 10 million more than the other 14 West African countries put together. So, each time Nigerians go to the polls, it’s like conducting elections for the whole of West Africa and part of Central Africa. This view implies that organising elections for a smaller electorate means fewer polling stations, reduced complexity in voter distribution, and more manageable security deployment. However, population size alone does not account for the disparity in electoral outcomes. Nigeria’s difficulties persist even in smaller off-cycle elections, such as the recent ones it conducted in Edo and Ondo, where the resources and attention of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) were concentrated on a single state. 

Election Day in Ghana as Routine 

In Ghana, Election Day feels like any other regular day. Shops are open, cars are on the road, people go about their business, and yet, somewhere in between, they make time to vote. There is no blanket restriction on movement like in Nigeria, where everything grinds to a halt—people, vehicles, waterways, and even airspace are shut down. The absence of such restrictions in Ghana makes voting feel like an organic part of life rather than an event that disrupts daily activities. And contrary to concerns that this would hinder turnout, it does the opposite—it reinforces the idea that voting is an effortless civic duty, something that can be done with ease, without sacrificing a whole day’s work or livelihood.

Then there’s the role of Party Agents—often an overlooked but crucial part of the process. In Ghana, their responsibilities go beyond mere observation. They arrive at polling stations with computerised seals issued by their respective parties. Before a single vote is cast, these agents affix their seals to the ballot box, an added layer of security that prevents tampering. But there’s an interesting twist—the seal cannot be broken unless the very agent who placed it is physically present when votes are being counted. The logic here is simple: the more party agents present, the more seals affixed, and the harder it is for any unauthorised meddling with the ballot boxes.

These agents are not passive bystanders; they are equipped with a copy of the voter register and actively cross-check names as people arrive to vote. They work side by side with electoral officials, ensuring that the process runs smoothly and transparently. Their presence is not just symbolic—it is a tangible safeguard against electoral fraud. They do not just represent their parties; they become integral watchdogs of democracy.

Nigeria: A Case of Unfulfilled Potential

In stark contrast, Nigeria’s 2024 off-cycle elections in Edo and Ondo states revealed deep-seated flaws in the country’s electoral system. Despite the fact that these elections focused on one state at a time, with an expectation to allow for targeted resource deployment, the challenges remained strikingly familiar.

Both the Edo and Ondo elections experienced disturbingly low voter turnout—22.4% in Edo and 24.8% in Ondo. This trend reflects the 2023 general elections, which saw turnout reach a historic low of 29%. This disengagement is symptomatic of a broader issue, extending beyond mere logistical challenges. In Edo, discussions with voters exposed their profound frustration with the system. Many polling units were deserted, with election officials outnumbering voters—those who did attend often endured lengthy waits due to logistical errors, further deepening their disillusionment. Likewise, in Ondo, voter apathy is traceable to a lack of confidence in the process and the prevailing socioeconomic challenges that render participation futile. 

The Technology Paradox

While Ghana successfully integrates innovative practices like proxy voting, Nigeria’s attempts at technological advancement remain inconsistent. The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) was a centrepiece of both Edo and Ondo elections, designed to enhance voter verification through biometrics. In Edo, the BVAS essentially functioned as intended but was undermined by poorly trained staff and sporadic technical failures. In Ondo, BVAS achieved a 78.4% efficiency rate but faltered 8% of polling units, leading to delays and disenfranchisement.

The INEC Result Viewing Portal (IREV), intended to provide real-time transparency, also faced challenges. In Ondo, blurry uploads and incomplete transmissions eroded public confidence. While these tools represent steps in the right direction, their uneven implementation emphasises the need for better training and infrastructure.

The 2025 Anambra Election: What Lies Ahead

Nigeria is filled with anticipation and cautious optimism as it approaches the 2025 Anambra State governorship election. Lessons from Edo, Ondo, and Ghana are there to offer insights into critical areas for improvement, with logistics standing out as a recurring challenge. Ensuring election materials arrive on time and polling units open early will be key to avoiding the frustrations seen in past elections.

Technology will again take centre stage, with the BVAS and IREV expected to deliver transparency and efficiency. In Edo, delays in result uploads and discrepancies raised serious concerns, while in Ondo, technical malfunctions further eroded public trust. For Anambra, these tools must be optimised and election officials properly trained to prevent the repetition of such failures. Restoring voter engagement is paramount. In Edo, many polling units stood empty, a stark reminder of the widespread apathy and mistrust in the electoral system. Anambra’s leadership must prioritise grassroots outreach and tangible assurances of transparency to inspire confidence in the process and encourage higher voter turnout. 

The 2025 Anambra election will be more than a contest for political office. It is not just another date on the electoral calendar; it is a moment laden with possibilities—a chance to rebuild public trust and refine a system often described as fractured. It will also serve as a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to electoral reforms and democratic resilience. Whether the process meets these expectations or falls short will significantly shape public perception of Nigeria’s democracy moving forward. 

Ultimately, Nigeria’s vast territory and geographic challenges will not change in the near future, nor does the country’s population appear likely to decrease. Rather than relying on these as excuses, stakeholders must ensure the success of democracy. The success of elections depends not only on technological tools but also on a collective commitment to uphold democratic values and respect democratic institutions. Without this commitment, technology alone will be of little help.